Ma Ying-jeou, the incumbent Taiwan leader and chairman of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT), gestures as he declares his victory in the island's leadership election in Taipei, southeast China's Taiwan, Jan. 14, 2012. Photo:Xinhua

Ma Ying-jeou, who sticks to the 1992 Consensus, defeated his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) rival who tried to deny the consensus for the second time. This clarifies one fact: Intending to separate Taiwan from China is totally unrealistic at present. Parties within Taiwan have become unable to mobilize voters by advocating "Taiwan independence," and it is difficult for international forces to use this slogan to gain support. "Taiwan independence" has no political traction.

But meanwhile, it is worth noting that Ma cautiously drew a clear line with the Chinese mainland during the election. At present, the Chinese mainland is not powerful enough to realize peaceful unification with Taiwan. Fighting against "Taiwan independence" and achieving unification have certain connections and differences. The Chinese mainland should be confident in combating "Taiwan independence" while staying ready for a path to unification with twists and setbacks.

In the past four years, the Chinese mainland has realized direct postal, transportation and trade links with Taiwan and the two have signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). In the next four years, topics on the agenda of relations across the Taiwan Straits should be enriched.

Politics will be introduced into discussion sooner or later. But when conditions are not mature, consolidating and expanding the middle ground is a good transition to building trust and reducing sensitivity about political topics.

The Chinese mainland and Taiwan should firstly put signing a peace treaty on the agenda. This will have particularly positive significance for Taiwan. The political content of such a treaty can be negotiated. In his second term, Ma Ying-jeou should have the courage and wisdom to take this step. Ma suggested a peace treaty with the Chinese mainland a few months ago, but later moved away from this offer. This sent out a complicated signal. Both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan should create opportunities to promote relations.

The national strength growth of the Chinese mainland has brought changes favorable to itself in the Taiwan Straits. The mainland should keep the momentum rather than seeking to dominate cross-Straits politics.  

China could make efforts in the following aspects: signing a mutually acceptable peace treaty with Taiwan, expanding cross-Straits exchanges, and reducing controversy over cross-Straits relations in Taiwan elections.

The DPP that denies the 1992 Consensus were not merely defeated twice by Ma Ying-jeou, but also by the Chinese mainland. If the development of the Chinese mainland had been declining for eight years, the topics and result of this year's Taiwan elections would have been quite different.

But the political influence of the Chinese mainland on the region should not be overestimated. A successful policy with Taiwan lies in its reasonableness. If the goal set by the mainland is beyond reach, the issue will become passive.

The Taiwan question is related to the core interests of China, but it isn't its sole strategic concern. As an emerging power, China should deal with various challenges. The Chinese mainland should push the Taiwan question to develop in a desirable way, but should not put undue pressure on it. Solving the Taiwan question needs wisdom and an open mind. The result will not be judged by online opinion but by history.