Editor's Note:
A series of recent incidents at madrassas (Muslim schools) have shocked China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. It was recently revealed that a boy was beaten to death by people affiliated with an "illegal madrassa" at Korla in southern Xinjiang. This was followed by a police operation on June 6 that took 54 kids from an "illegal madrassa" in the southern city of Hotan. Why have such schools proliferated? What measures should be taken? The Global Times invited two experts to contribute their thoughts.
by Zheng Liang
The emergence and spread of "illegal madrassas" in recent years, and the tragedies they have caused, are deeply rooted in the complex social, cultural, and religious realities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, which must be understood before meaningful changes can take place.
Xinjiang is a region with a long history of ethnic and religious diversity. Islam has been a dominating influence since the 14th century. Today there are almost 25,000 mosques in the region. Given the 10 million Muslim population in Xinjiang, that is one mosque for every 400 people, among the highest in the Muslim world.
In addition to these government-approved mosques, a significant number of self-trained imams are wandering across Xinjiang offering Koranic instruction to children and teenagers. Without government approval, these religious personnel are considered "illegal imams" and the places they offer religious teachings "illegal madrassas."
Islam has always been an integral part of local Muslims' daily life and cannot be separated from their customs and traditions. For example, imams always play a central role in weddings, funerals, and circumcision ceremonies in Xinjiang. Besides, parents are eager to have their kids learn Arabic, the language of the Koran. But the parents' wishes are hampered by serious obstacles.
In Xinjiang, there is a tradition that local imams train their students in the mosque. But in reality, the qualities of imams vary in different regions, and in some places it is difficult for students to find proper imams. The only high-level official madrassa, the Xinjiang Islamic Institute, recruits less than 100 students a year. Competition is quite fierce, and it is not enough to meet ever-growing local demands.
Moreover, poverty and fierce competition for jobs among college graduates prompt Muslim parents to send their children to madrassas instead of secular schools, seeing it as a potentially well-paid and respectable career path. In Xinjiang, imams usually receive per diems for presiding over weddings, funerals, and circumcision ceremonies, and they also enjoy higher social status than ordinary college graduates.
This looks appealing to some Muslim parents. As for those imams outside the government-approved Mosques, Koranic teachings are a way not only to spread the faith, but also to accumulate status and fortune.
The fact that Muslim parents are willing to let their children attend madrassas reflects the fundamental cultural and economic demands of locals. To meet those demands, building a modern educational system that is acknowledged and accepted by local residents is a necessary step, which can help Muslim parents understand that modern education is imperative for survival in the contemporary world.
A better job market would also be helpful in restoring locals' confidence in secular education. The Xinjiang Islamic Institute could consider expanding to all major cities in the region.
As to those imams outside government-approved mosques and madrassas, institutional innovation is required so that they can play a more responsible, constructive, and positive role in Xinjiang.
According to Chinese law, madrassas must be sanctioned by and responsible to the government. The realties and problems in Xinjiang, however, pose grave challenges to the execution of the law.
Respecting and satisfying local Muslims' cultural and economic needs while guaranteeing the execution of the law is crucial to preventing similar tragedies from happening again which helps achieve long-term stability in Xinjiang.
The author is a scholar with the Journalism and Communication college, Xinjiang University. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn
Religious freedom doesn't trump protection of minors
By Xiong Kunxin
The General Principles of the Civil Law of the People's Republic of China clearly define the concept and rights of minors, namely citizens under 18 years old. However, recent news caused many people to worry that some minors are not well protected.
The 54 kids were confined at an "illegal madrassa" in Hotan, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and were six to 10 years old. Vicious incidents reportedly took place in which these kids were harmed. They were rescued by local police only after the parents reported the school.
To the public, this case was no less astounding than the recent one in which Li Xingong, an official from Henan Province, confessed to raping over 10 under-aged girls. The Henan case has warned the public to pay attention to the protection of children. Now this "illegal madrassa" case demonstrates again that it is high time to consolidate the protection of minors.
Family members, especially parents, who are the primary guardians of kids, have responsibility for caring for and educating kids, so as to ensure their healthy growth in an environment full of parental love.
Wang Daiyu (1570-1660), a well-known ethnically Hui (a major Chinese Muslim group) scholar in 17th century China, creatively developed China's traditional Confucian ethical code. According to traditional Confucianism, having no descendants is the worst violation of the principle of filial obedience. In Wang's eyes, here "having no successors" doesn't mean having no offspring, but failing to educate one's children well.
If, according to Wang, a child is poorly educated and shows no respect to social values and laws, this will shame the whole of the extended family. Wang believed that for Muslims, having poorly educated children equals having no offspring and hence the disappearance of a family lineage. Wang thought this should be blamed on the parents.
In the history of both Islamic and Confucian ethical thought, Wang's idea was a radically new one that placed the need to educate kids, rather than simply have them, first.
I agree with the basic argument here that as parents, we should not only feed, clothe, and shelter our children, but also care about their growth, and particularly go out of our way to ensure they receive a decent and proper education.
The latest case of an "illegal madrassa" in Hotan also rings an alarm bell for the government. In the future, it is necessarily for governments at all levels in Xinjiang to launch regular campaigns in this autonomous region to investigate such illegal Koran teaching activities, with the help of locals.
Those who illegally restrain or indoctrinate minors and harm their physical and mental growth should receive severe punishment, according to the law.
Those who spread false rumors should also be punished.
In respect of social acts, we must come up with a set of fair and practical laws and regulations to deal with similar problems. In Xinjiang, we already have a relatively complete system of laws and regulations.
However, how to efficiently block and punish illegal acts conducted under the guise of ethnic or religious activities, while at the same time fully ensuring people's freedom of religion remains a thorny issue.
But the bottom line is clear. Since all citizens enjoy equal rights, minors deserve indiscriminate protection. No one is allowed to tread on their rights in the name of promoting ethnic or religious tradition.
The author is a professor with the School for Chinese Minzu Theory and Policy Studies, Minzu University of China. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn