"The current interim government is doing a better job than the old regime. The Gaddafi government only gave each child a subsidy of two dinars ($1.55) every month, but now it has risen to 50 dinars. But, as you see, streets in Tripoli are so narrow that there are jams every day. The new government should give a quick response to make a medium and long-term plan to upgrade infrastructure in Libya."
This was the response of a Libyan businessman, a Swarovski store owner in downtown Tripoli, when I asked him about the new government.
His feelings were mirrored by many during my recent week in Libya. I could feel the Libyans' joy at liberation, and their high expectations for a new order.
"We now have democracy and freedom, but next we should focus on building a new country. The Gaddafi government handed a great amount of wealth to Africa for free. Now this wealth is given back to the Libyans." Muftah, a taxi driver from Benghazi, told me.
Libya's crude oil production has been restored to the level it was before the war. With huge oil reserves, the money is there for this small country, with its population of just 6 million people. However, a lagging political transition and the security vacuum have seriously hindered the pace of reconstruction.
Although Libya's political transition has been smoother than expected, it is still full of ups and downs. According to the transition road map, four months after the elections the Constituent Assembly should have prepared a new draft constitution. But instead, it's fallen into an endless debate.
All regions and tribes are eager to increase their weight in the new Libyan political landscape. Many feel their contribution to the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi guarantees them a bigger piece of the pie. It has been impossible, so far, to reach a consensus.
Gaddafi destroyed all the state institutions in Libya, instead ruling through personal whim. Some special tribes were chosen as the foundation of his regime and given a lot of benefits. The majority of Libyans were alienated.
Conflicts due to this inequality among tribes exploded in the post-Gaddafi era. Pro-Gaddafi tribes suffered from the vengeance of others, and many of them had to flee from their home in Sirte and Sebha. I encountered them in Babal-Azizia, destroyed in the war, where they dwelt among the ruins of the city.
The formation of a unified Libyan national army and police force made little headway. Though 70 percent of the militias have been incorporated into the new force, it is hardly a unified army yet.
Even soldiers in the same patrol wear different clothes, some in US camouflage, some in Gaddafi-era uniforms, and some in civilian clothes. Libyans shake their heads and sigh when asked how to identify real soldiers.
Libya is now in a false peace hiding tribal contradictions and security vacuum.
Tripoli is bustling during the day, but after 9 pm, pedestrians disappear, and you can only hear the sounds of shooting and drag-racing.
Libya has barely any industry other than oil. The destroyed buildings in Misurata need foreign contractors to reconstruct. Poor civilians are waiting for affordable housing to be created by returned foreign builders.
But Libyans are still optimistic. Ali Nasef, dean of the Faculty of Economics and Political science at Tripoli University, told me that Libya will take the route of developing modern industry and services. Large quantities of foreign investment should be introduced to establish specialized industrial parks which will cut tax and implement preferential policies. Only by this approach can Libyans people gain modern technology and business management experience in order to escape dependence on the petroleum industry.
However, the slow political transition process and the lack of security have halted many foreign investments.
Security needs to be guaranteed before companies that fled during the civil war can return. But Libyan politicians are still squabbling over internal affairs, let alone discussing the conditions needed by foreign companies. Libya looks pretty good at first glance now. At least its people can lead normal and quiet lives. However, the Libyan people have much bigger wishes for prosperity. Yet, until the political transition is realized, those dreams have to be put on hold.
The author is a reporter with People's Daily who is currently stationed in Egypt. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn