Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's opposition leader, seems to be more affirmative now and is giving signals to the present leadership that they should now take her more seriously.

Suu Kyi's open announcement at the World Economic Forum for East Asia recently that she is a possible candidate for the presidency in 2015, along with her condemnation of the "two-child policy" for Muslims in the Rakhine region and criticism of the government for the slow pace of reforms, is a significant caveat for the existing regime. She has openly stated "I want to run for president [...] If I pretended that I didn't want to be president I wouldn't be honest. And I would rather be honest with my people than otherwise."

The new democratic regime in Myanmar is now taking its baby steps. At this stage, it has to face a number of teething troubles and has a long way to go from infancy to adolescence. As it moves forward in its growth and maturity, we hope these problems can be overpowered with the emergence of a more open and mature democracy.

The entry of Suu Kyi and her party to the parliament has been a means of legitimizing newly established civilian regime's mandate to govern and enhance its own reform credentials.

The regime needs Suu Kyi in the parliament to bolster the authority of its own political system and spur on easing Western sanctions.

However, Suu Kyi needs the military perhaps more than anyone else if she is to advance politically and amend the constitution, given a quarter of seats are reserved for the military.

These developments, therefore, have a significant implication for the dynamics of power struggle and future road map to the presidency in Myanmar in the 2015 elections.

As for the possible leaders to appear in 2015, three are prominent: the reformist U Thein Sein, determined U Thura Shwe Mann and the charismatic Suu Kyi. Who heads the executive and who controls the legislature is an important issue vis-à-vis the current political landscape and the cleavages that exist between the reformists and hard-liners. The scenario, however, is complex.

The incumbent President Thein Sein wants to remain clean and, therefore, there is a possibility that he would choose to step down. Health conditions have also been cited by some political analysts as a possible reason.

Meanwhile, speaker of the lower house Shwe Mann has been projected as a strong contender for the presidency.

Given the determination and strong conviction of Shwe Mann, if he takes up the presidency, Suu Kyi will have no option but to compromise by becoming the speaker herself. But given the fractured mandate in 2015, she will have a tough time in controlling the house. There are worries that the demand for federal and ethnic reconciliation will be stronger by 2015.

One of obstacles Suu Kyi faces now is the absence of able administrators and team members in the leadership of the National League for Democracy, which at present is facing a generational crisis.

It would be difficult for Suu Kyi to run the cabinet with inept colleagues in the already degenerating party. There are doubts that she will be able to manage the executive and pacify the hard-liners in the military.

Another option is heading toward a coalition government with Suu Kyi being the nominal leader and the face of Myanmar for the world. The cabinet, on the other hand, would remain dominated by the current ruling party while Shwe Mann would extend his control and consolidate his position in the lower house.

This seems to be the most feasible alternative which would help the country earn foreign investment and at the same time allow a focus on the internal reforms and transformation in Myanmar. But this could become a reality only through the constitutional reform process.

Changing the current constitutional provision which bars Suu Kyi from contesting the presidency and other stringent rules demands immediate consideration and amendment.

This complex scenario of political change in Myanmar will be vital to the regional dynamics in the future.

The author is assistant professor of the Department of Political Science, Zakir Husain Delhi College, University of Delhi. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn