Since 2012, hundreds of people have died and tens of thousands of people have been displaced due to the conflicts between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar. Cities such as Meiktila and Lashio have been devastated.

What happened in Meiktila and Lashio seems to stem from religious conflicts, but in fact, it is the inevitable result of the tense ethnic relationships in Myanmar, worsened by the government's concealing or ignorance of these problems.

Myanmar's investment environment and reputation have been hit badly. If the Myanmar government does not take proper measures, its reform and development will be seriously threatened.

Though the Myanmar government claims to be taking care of the ethnic minorities, they have no funds to fulfill their promises. Since the Bamar people are often prioritized in the nation's development plan, insurrection can be easily triggered. And as the vulnerable side, minorities are more easily persecuted.

The biggest danger faced by Myanmar is a political accommodation on ethnic conflicts not being reached before the second general election in 2015. If ethnic minorities are not satisfied by the fact that they are not given fair representative rights within the federation, their politicians will probably seek to fight for absolute independence of their own people.

By that time, the best result will be that the second general election is overshadowed, while the worst result will be for this vulnerable nation to face disintegration as Yugoslavia once did.

The separation of ethnic nationalities' living areas, imbalance in economic development, practical conflicts of interest and effects on Myanmar's local ethnic militias by external forces are all practical difficulties facing the nation's attempt at reconciliation.

Since independence in 1948, as a multinational country, Myanmar has been overly anxious to meet the goal of national construction. At the same time, the Bamar people, who take the major and advantaged place at home, have dominated the government's decisions. Thus, national construction and the requirement of the self-development of minorities are in opposition to each other.

Favoritism toward the Bamar is the key reason for the disharmony among different ethnic nationalities. Widespread nationalism of the ethnic minorities is another crucial reason. The national identity of minorities is still a blur after 65 years of Myanmar's independence. Although Myanmar has established a federal state, it's not really unified yet.

What's more, the minorities who were brutally suppressed during the junta era are still lacking in any tangible benefits two years after the nation's reform started. They are not savvy at playing the general election game and were hardly able to win any seats in the legislative assembly dominated by the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and opposition party led by legendary Aung San Suu Kyi.

When rethinking ethnic problems in Myanmar, we can start from the theoretical and policy level.

Under the political framework made up of 135 ethnic groups in Myanmar, all groups regard their own ethnic group as their core identity. Thus, gaps in economic interests, security, cultural protection and language education can be easily politicized and misinterpreted as ethnic issues.

In a multi-ethnic state, transforming citizens' ethnic loyalty into loyalty to their nation is a prerequisite for the modernization of citizens and the survival of the nation's political systems.

The federal system is crucial to addressing Myanmar's ethnic and religious issues. Administrative divisions should not be based on ethnic groups. The previous method of division, according to which areas inhabited by the Bamar people are called "regions" whereas areas inhabited by ethnic minorities are named as "states," is not appropriate.

Administrative divisions should be adjusted according to the requirements of social and economic development, to truly realize the cohabitation and integration among different ethnic groups and promote ethnic equality and harmonious coexistence. This might be the best way to solve Myanmar's ethnic and religious issues.

The author is a professor at the School of International Studies, Yunnan University. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn