SCO key foundation of stable Central Asia

By Sergey Markedonov Source:Global Times Published: 2013-9-9 23:03:01

Illustration: Liu Rui/GT

Illustration: Liu Rui/GT



Chinese President Xi Jinping kicked off his visit to four countries in Central Asia on September 3. He also participated in the G20 Leaders' Summit in St. Petersburg and will be present at the upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) forum in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan on September 13.

The focus of his visit is expanding economic cooperation and increasing bilateral trade with the Central Asian states, especially in energy and transportation. In the meantime, security development will also be a major topic.   

The withdrawal of US and NATO troops from Afghanistan will have significant repercussions for Central Asia as well as for China and Russia. The current status quo raises questions about the ability and available resources of regional integration structures, such as the SCO, and interested actors, especially China and Russia, to tackle the security challenges and potential risks in Afghanistan.    

The SCO has formed and developed in parallel to unfolding dynamics in Afghanistan as well as regional border demarcation between China and the Central Asian countries.

The "Shanghai Five" appeared in 1996, just before power in Afghanistan became concentrated in the hands of the Taliban. The SCO itself was established in 2001, the same year as the 9/11 attacks that prompted NATO military operations in Afghanistan.

Can the SCO succeed in resolving regional security puzzles?

The SCO's potential looks extremely impressive. The entire combined territory of SCO members makes up roughly 60 percent of Eurasia and its population totals a quarter of the world's. However, such figures do not easily translate into power and influence.

It is necessary to understand the distinctions of the SCO and its differences from other similar integration projects such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). 

The SCO stands out among other organizations that engage Eurasian states. Other such organizations, such as the Commonwealth of Independent States, CSTO, Eurasian Economic Community and the nascent Customs Union, are led by Russia. But the SCO is structured around two power centers, Moscow and Beijing. Moreover, in the SCO, Chinese economic potential is no less valuable than Russian.

Other regional actors such as India, Pakistan, and Iran are also observers in the SCO. Turkey also lends additional legitimacy to the SCO with its dialogue partner status.

Such involvement of regional actors could potentially strengthen the SCO and transform it from a strictly Eurasian regional project to a larger international network dedicated to providing alternative solutions to international security issues beyond Eurasia, including the Middle East. The SOC will oppose humanitarian intervention and promote principles of national sovereignty. 

Without the SCO, some of its members would not normally agree to cooperate on a bilateral basis with one another. For example, since their independence, Pakistan and India have been embroiled in a series of conflicts, primarily over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

Although Russia and China are the two primary driving forces of the SCO, their approaches and interests are not compatible. Moscow's top priority is security, while Beijing focuses on economic expansion. Russia would, in theory, like to have China as a reliable partner in the region. Yet Chinese economic expansion in the region, particularly through building pipelines in Central Asia, worries Russia.

Ultimately, the SCO is a valuable regional organization because of its pragmatism. It is an effective channel of cooperation and interaction between East and West. The SCO has no real ideological platform and this neutrality is appealing even to NATO member states. This is critical since after all, no matter how the West reacts to the future of Afghanistan, it will maintain an interest there.

As the US and NATO continue to reduce their military presence in Afghanistan, they will seek other means to establish stability in the region, likely by coordinating with the SCO, which is ready to play a role in the peace process and in Central Asia's security and development issues.

The author is a visiting fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Russia and Eurasia Program, Washington DC. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn



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