Mikhail Leontyevich Titarenko Photo: Zeng Kun

Editor's Note:

As the director of the Far East Institute at the Russian Academy of Sciences since 1985, Mikhail Leontyevich Titarenko (Titarenko) has been observing the Sino-Russian relationship for decades. He also serves as the president of the Russia-China Friendship Association. During a recent interview with Global Times (GT) reporters, Huang Lei, Zeng Kun, Song Shengxia and Wang Qu, Titarenko talked about his insight into China's development and the advancement of Sino-Russian relationship.

GT: As one of the leading China specialists in Russia, how do you view the development of Sino-Russian relationship of late?

Titarenko: Russian-Chinese relationship is now in its best historical period. More importantly, this high-level cooperation is the fruit of the vicissitudes both sides have gone through in the past decades, and both sides have reached a strategic consensus through historical experiences.

There were many twists and turns between China and the Soviet Union. After going through the peas-in-a-pod period of the 1950s, and the tit-for-tat 1960s and 1970s, both sides built a rapprochement in 1980s.

New challenges emerged between Russia and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union. But both leaderships at that time were sensibly determined to maintain the stable development of the bilateral relationship.

The two nations settled their border issues in 2001. The Russian-Chinese experience can be used for reference for many other countries.

GT: Some think the government-to-government relationship between Russia and China has developed to a very high level, but people-to-people exchanges are relatively weak. What's your view?

Titarenko: This is true. Communication between both governments is more extensive than people-to-people exchanges. I have to say that psychologically, the public from both sides are not as close as they were back in the 1950s.

Chinese media does not cover Russia very much, and young Chinese intellectuals are not interested in learning about Russia either. They admire the West, especially the US. These phenomena exist in Russia as well.

Some Russian people consider China as something of a threat because they think China is pragmatic and always puts its own benefits in the first place.

Historically speaking, China is pragmatic but in the meantime, it is also loyal to its friends. The strategic partnership of cooperation between Russia and China is 200 percent beneficial to both sides.

Four centuries of history have proven that a bad Russian-Chinese relationship hurts each other's internal growth. The Chinese leadership is advocating the Chinese dream. I think good neighborly and friendly relations between Russia and China are also included in this dream.

GT: You've stressed that the current Sino-Russian relationship is hard-earned and reciprocal, and that it is the fruit of historical progress. But you have also put emphasis on the Western, especially US, elements in this bilateral relationship. Why?

Titarenko: We have to keep a vigilant eye on these elements. Let me illustrate it by one example. In Russia, some pro-Western media outlets publish anti-China articles very often. But we should keep a clear mind that they are not the true image of either the Russian people's attitude or Russian government's policy toward China. They are only written on behalf of some interested groups that speak for the West.

In order to maximize the interests of the West, these media outlets try to jeopardize the friendship between Russia and China. Both countries are endeavoring to expand their people-to-people exchanges, which become the social foundation of friendship and cooperation between Russia and China. In fact, those negative reports that are controlled by Western, especially US, elements have no market in Russia.

GT: What is your opinion about the current Russia-US relationship? How do you view the US vigorously promoting its "pivot to Asia" policy?

Titarenko: Compared with the close Sino-US relationship, Russia has a tense situation with the US. The cooperation between Russia and the US is limited to fields such as arms control and aerospace. They do not have extensive trade, and the US is exercising two strategies against Russia: suppression and constraint.

The US policy of "pivot to Asia" essentially means the country puts more emphasis on this region. It is moving most of its military forces to this area, trying to impose more restraints over China. It fears China, and has concerns over its growth. The US also transmits such feelings to India, Vietnam, North Korea and Russia.

The US wants to make everything under control by taking advantage of its dominant military power, and indicates that anyone who disagrees with its authority will end up like Yugoslavia, Iraq and Syria.

In my own opinion, some Chinese should not have illusions about the US. Of course the US has a lot to learn from, but it does not deserve to be an example for China.

GT: What aspects of China are you paying attention to recently?

Titarenko: Of course the Chinese dream. My institute has systematically dug into the report of the 18th CPC National Congress. We have noticed that China's top leadership has attached more importance to narrowing the gap between the poor and the rich, which is the most prominent and urgent problem for Chinese society.

China needs to realize that being independent and finding out its most appropriate path is crucial to its development.

The Chinese dream cannot copy the American dream, which only suits the American people. China should establish its own patterns and standards for all walks of life, such as consumption, culture, social life and even politics and democracy.

GT: You have been watching the Chinese economy. What do you think of the slowdown of Chinese economy?

Titarenko: I believe China maintains a healthy growth rate at about 7.6 percent. It does no good to China to develop too fast and keep a 10 percent growth rate every year.

But China should realize that the saving rate of Chinese families is too high at 60 percent on average. China needs to expand its investment in education and culture. As long as the overall education can be uplifted, illiteracy can be eliminated, and every village has a library, China will be able to make its culture and education prosper in a comprehensive way.