Illustration: Liu Rui/GT

Jaguar has long been a preferred brand of vehicle for the British wealthy with a degree of taste, and Land Rover for the rugged adventurous type, and after frequent Anglo-China exchanges similar tastes have taken root in the vast Chinese market.

It came therefore as little surprise that when British Prime Minister David Cameron arrived in Beijing recently at the head of what was touted as the largest ever British commercial delegation to China, he chose to visit the Jaguar Land Rover training academy to the cheers of the many gathered there.

Lost in the jubilant celebrations was perhaps the slightly "inconvenient" fact that strictly speaking, half a decade ago Jaguar Land Rover ceased to be a genuinely "British" company, having become a subsidiary of the Indian conglomerate, the Tata Group.

This overlooked observation testifies to at least three points. First, as trade and investment become increasingly globalized, the "national" identities of transnational corporations are ever more blurred.

Second, it showcases the sorry state of the once vibrant British economy, so much so that renowned British brands are being sold off to newly confident buyers from emerging markets.

Third, it highlights the pragmatism of British officialdom, whereby the reigning prime minister did not mind availing himself of the aura of symbols that are no longer British.

It was a charm offensive through and through, as Cameron made his second China visit since taking over the premiership in 2010. But it was decidedly not all fluff without substance.

There were plenty of commercial deals, but in stark contrast to previous occasions, the flows of technology and investments were mainly from China into Britain, including the first British nuclear reactor in a generation to be built by Chinese companies. High-speed rail in England, again by Chinese companies, is on the table too.

And the list goes on. It was no longer just the relocations of British plants to China to take advantage of favorable incentives, but the yearning for Chinese funds and know-how to help resuscitate the ailing British economy.

Gone were the frankly inconsequential British political gestures and rhetoric which served only to derail the otherwise cordial and productive Anglo-Chinese relations. Instead there was a new analogy for Anglo-Chinese ties, to a high-speed train that can, in the words of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, constantly and safely increase speed.

It serves as a new model of practical relations between a major world power and a medium-sized one. Among the first "taker" of such a model seems to be the French Prime Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault, who just concluded his China trip seeking commercial collaboration.

Further understanding and defining a "new model of relations between major powers" first espoused by China appears to be the main purpose for US Vice President Joe Biden's latest visit to China, which commenced on the heels of Cameron's fruitful trip.

During Biden's previous visit he had lunch in a common noodle restaurant amid surprised local diners, creating a publicity stunt, but there was nothing like that on this occasion.

Absent was also the plethora of business deals as in the case of Cameron. A more realistic approach, in the form of a four-hour discussion session between Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping, became the central focus of the visit.

Biden later described a "complex" Sino-US relationship, but carefully distinguished between "wholesome" and "strong" competition between the two major powers on the one hand, and conflict on the other. He called for a set of "rules of the road" providing mutual benefit and growth for "both our countries and the region" and "for progress in the 21st century."

Indeed, Southeast Asia, which is an important component of "the region," and figuratively situated between the two major world powers, is very much looking forward to the US and China clearly working out the "rules of the road" that could bring about growth, progress and most importantly, peace to the region.

Such rules must of course be acceptable to other notable powers in the region, such as Russia and India.

For example, if desired, this could start with more realistic and less hyperbolic expectations in the Trans-Pacific Partnership talks, in which the US is deeply involved and where a number of Southeast Asian nations have expressed cautious interest.

It could also come in the form of renewed momentum to adopt a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea that could minimize unintended conflicts.

Of course, Biden could "spice up" his future visits to China with more commercial and trade elements, which would no doubt help stimulate the still waffling US economy.

But for the moment, those of us in "the region" watch with keen optimism the hopefully positive interplay between the two major world powers. It's good to see that countries like the US and Britain are now dealing with China with a more pragmatic mind.

The author is a senior fellow with the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn