Myanmar will reform in its own way

By Fan Hongwei Source:Global Times Published: 2015-8-30 19:38:01

People who are familiar with Myanmar know that the country always has the ability to surprise. This can be well proved by the self-contained Burmese Way to Socialism during the era of Ne Win, the demonetization of Myanmese kyat notes in 1964, 1985 and 1987, or relocating the capital in 2005 under the rule of military government.

Since 2011, the nation's reforms have once again shown the world their Myanmese style.

Shortly after Myanmar's President U Thein Sein assumed office, the outside world has been generally unconvinced of the authenticity of the reforms his government advanced, considering them only a case of "old wine in a new bottle," and a fake show of "handing state power back to people."

However, the new government adopted a series of reforms in the field of politics, economy and diplomacy, and has won the recognition and positive responses from Western countries. Almost every major head of state has visited Myanmar in ice-breaking trips.

Yet the country's Buddhist nationalism, populism and the cronyism of Myanmar's former and current military regime thrive. This has led to multiple sectarian clashes and conflicts between ethnic armed forces. The nation's path toward the revision of its constitution has been bumpy. Thein Sein, who is supportive of reforms, also claimed that "Myanmar's army will continue to play a key role in the move toward greater democracy."

Factionalism and internal power struggles have emerged in the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party.

In the meantime, the main opposition National League for Democracy has long depended on the halo of Aung San Suu Kyi, due to a variety of difficulties such as scarcity of talents.

All these changes have once again dragged the international community's newly formed optimistic attitude toward Myanmar to a confusing and complicated political reality.

Since US President Barack Obama took office in 2008, he has shifted Washington's policies over Myanmar, and has adopted "pragmatic engagement" and "calibrated engagement," stressing "action for action" on specific practices, and "responsible investment."

But when Obama was delivering a speech at the US Military Academy at West Point on May 28, 2014, he said "if Burma succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot."

However, in the meantime, he also carefully expressed that "progress there could be reversed" in terms of the country's reforms.

As a matter of fact, apart from the US, countries including China, Japan, India and European nations, have been evaluating the constant changes in Myanmar since Thein Sein took power in 2011, and calibrated their own policies accordingly.

Myanmar's 2015 general elections are approaching, and international observers are making predictions about it prudently.

Whatever their views are, the great majority of the international community believe the elections are vitally important to the country, and Myanmar's future is full of uncertainties.

No matter what the result is, the ruling party will face the inevitable question of how to resolve the major, tricky challenges of the nation's political, economic reforms and national reconciliation.

While countries are assessing and influencing Myanmar's current situation and future changes based on their own standards, Myanmese are promoting "disciplined democracy" in their own way.

In this regard, its former military government has underlined that its democracy is not copied from Western model, but is designed and practiced in Myanmar's own style based on its own national conditions, cultures and values.

Historically, to what degree does the outside world know or understand Myanmar's ways? Is it because Myanmar left us for so long? Or that we have never ever truly come near to it?

Just as Andrew Selth, Australia's prominent Myanmar watcher, once said, "When writing about Burma, it is always prudent to begin by saying that its internal affairs are difficult to read, and the country has always had the capacity to surprise."

The author is a professor of Southeast Asian studies at Xiamen University. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn



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