Defense and foreign ministers of Japan and Australia agreed to reinforce bilateral defense cooperation in the two-plus-two meeting in Sydney last week. Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani urged Canberra to select Tokyo as a partner to build and develop a new submarine for the Royal Australian Navy during the meeting, suggesting that Japan's collaboration would become "a strategic model for the Japan-US-Australia coalition." The increasingly close Tokyo-Canberra ties are worth exploring.

Tokyo has long been attempting to build an "arc of freedom and prosperity," starting in Japan, swinging through Southeast Asia via Central Asia into Europe. Developing the Tokyo-Canberra quasi-alliance is a part of the Japanese government's efforts in building the arc.

Besides Australia, Japan also hopes to include other nations, such as India and New Zealand, into the project. Recently, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is attempting to build Tokyo's relations with Manila and Hanoi, and to draw ASEAN countries over to Japan's side.

Japan, upset with Beijing's claims and presence in the South China Sea, is endeavoring to build bilateral and multilateral military cooperative mechanisms with other countries.

In addition, Tokyo strengthening defense cooperation with Canberra is a plus for Washington.

Looking for dominant status in the region, the White House has been devoting its efforts to establishing the US-Japan-Australia coalition for years. Its aspirations conform to Abe's, who is eager to lead Japan into being a "normal state" and a military power.

Therefore, it is not surprising that the Japanese government has answered its ally's call. Containing China is the ultimate purpose for Japan and the US, who are concerned about Beijing's rise in the region.

Meanwhile, Tokyo's military clout will be strengthened as well during the process.

Yet Canberra may disappoint Tokyo and Washington. Admittedly, the nation has actively developed its ties with Japan recently. However, it remains highly likely that the Australian government is just attempting to purchase military equipment at a relatively low price from Japan, which is eager to sell its weapons abroad, than from other partners.

This may explain its frequent contacts with Tokyo. It is understandable that Australia might be persuaded in face of the potential advantages offered by the Japanese government.

In fact, there is little likelihood for Australia to contain China. Like many other countries, Canberra is craving to hitchhike on China's rise to gain some economic advantages, to which developing friendly ties with Beijing is a prerequisite. It is unlikely for Canberra to cut off its relations with Beijing, or to take a tough stance against the Chinese government.

Even if Japan and Australia agreed to reinforce their defense cooperation, it only reflects increasingly intense military contacts, rather than the establishment of an alliance. Canberra has no will to forge an alliance with Tokyo.

The Australian government's foreign policies are adjusting all the time. It has become even harder to predict its diplomatic strategies since current Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull came into office.

It would be Tokyo's mistake if it interprets the recent frequent contacts into Australia's intention for quasi-alliance with Japan. The current close Canberra-Tokyo relationship is temporary and the Australian government's attitude toward Japan remains unclear after the submarine deal is over.

How the coalition will influence China depends on Washington's clout in the region. The coalition will see decreased impacts on Beijing along with the weakening appeal of the US in the Asia-Pacific area. Yet the Chinese government should still be alert to it. Putting more efforts to defend against a potential Japanese-Australian quasi-alliance is also necessary. Judging from the current situation, it will be wise for Beijing to use its economic leverage.

In the meantime, diplomatic skills and wisdom are also needed to tackle the closer Tokyo-Canberra ties.

The author is a researcher on international relations based in Beijing. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn