Before Taiwan's new leader Tsai Ing-wen delivered her inaugural speech, many Taiwan scholars speculated that it was impossible for Tsai to totally accept the 1992 Consensus given her political views and ideals in the past. Tsai at best would reiterate that she respects the history and spirits of the 1992 cross-Straits meeting, and that she would preserve the status quo of the cross-Straits ties, as well as the existing mechanisms of dialogue and communication.

As anticipated, addressing her inauguration ceremony on Friday, Tsai didn't give an explicit endorsement to the 1992 Consensus, though she mentioned the 1992 meeting and the "various joint acknowledgements and understandings" reached then.

It's fair to say that she was playing on words to dodge about the 1992 Consensus.

In fact, since the beginning of this year, Tsai has been exploring an ambiguous version of the 1992 Consensus that could mobilize the consensus within the Democratic Progressive Party, be acceptable to the US government and be tolerated by the mainland. As CNN commented, Tsai was walking a tightrope.

But Tsai didn't pass the test when she elaborated her views over the cross-Straits relationship. As the new leader of Taiwan, she must answer the question of whether she acknowledges the 1992 consensus and the "one China" principle. It's a compulsory question rather than a selective one. But what Tsai presented was an unfinished answer sheet that failed to assure people across the Straits.

Tsai in fact well knows the connotations of the 1992 Consensus and even understands better the importance and significance of the consensus than many of her colleagues. In 1998 when the second Wang-Ku Talks were held in Shanghai, Tsai was presenting the meeting as an advisory committee member in Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council.

But now, Tsai played with words and has her own calculations in dodging the 1992 Consensus. This will jeopardize the political foundation for the cross-Straits relations.

Tsai's attitude toward the 1992 Consensus, which has long served as the foundation for the peaceful development of the cross-Straits ties, will gauge whether she has sincerity and determination in promoting the stability and development of the cross-Straits relations. Only by complying with the consensus can the peoples of both sides enjoy the dividends of peace and can the long-lasting benefits for the Taiwanese be guaranteed.

An unfinished answer sheet won't relieve either side. The 1992 Consensus is the cornerstone of the cross-Straits relations. Without it the boat of peace in the cross-Straits relationship will encounter a fierce and frightening storm, or even flip over completely. And the tenure of Tsai's office is unlikely to be smooth.

Tsai needs to face squarely the 1992 consensus. Ambiguity doesn't mean goodwill, but hypocrisy. This week is a particularly critical period for Tsai. I hope she will take actions to use her sincerity and goodwill in exchange for more ones from the mainland.

The 1992 Consensus is not a rhetorical game. Whether the consensus is acknowledged matters whether Tsai and people alike will completely walk away from the "pro-independence" stance.

Some views hold that the cross-Straits relationship under Tsai's leadership won't be as good as that under Ma Ying-jeou's office, nor will as bad as when the island governed by Chen Shui-bian.

But it is hoped that the cross-Straits ties could keep advancing based on the current achievements and mutual trust, and have a better future than today.

We hope to join hands with our Taiwanese compatriots, further expand communications across the Straits, promote cooperation in all fields and deepen the cross-Straits integration of social and economic development so that a community of common destiny can be built up to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

The author is vice dean of the Political Science Department from Zhongnan University of Economics and Law. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn