Yang Zhe, an associate professor at the School of Marxism at Beijing Forestry University

Editor's Note: 

A grand assembly marking the 90th anniversary of the victory of the Long March of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army was held on the morning of October 22 at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), delivered an important speech. The speech reviewed the great course of the Red Army's Long March led by the Party, summarized the great significance of the victory of the Long March, revealed the key to victory that has enabled the Party and the people's army to march forward resolutely, expounded the historical value of the great Long March spirit, and set out clear requirements for carrying forward the great Long March spirit and succeeding in the new Long March.

In the 30th installment of the special series "Decoding the Book of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China," the Global Times, along with the People's Daily Overseas Edition, will explore the theme - "Carry forward the great spirit of the Long March and forge ahead on the new Long March" - by inviting Chinese and foreign scholars, translators of the work, practitioners with firsthand experience, and overseas readers to share their perspectives.

In the 28th article of the "Scholars' Perspectives" column, Yang Zhe, an associate professor at the School of Marxism at Beijing Forestry University, shared her understanding of how Long March has shaped the Communist Party and China's revolutionary and development path.


Global Times: Some hold the view that the Long March laid the political foundation for the CPC to uphold independence and self-reliance. How have the historical lessons of the Long March driven the CPC onto a more independent path politically and ideologically? What key impacts have these lessons exerted on the subsequent development of the Chinese revolution?

Yang Zhe: The Zunyi Meeting was convened in 1935 at a historic juncture marked by the defeat of the Red Army in the fifth counter-encirclement and suppression campaign and severe setbacks in the early phase of the Long March. It established Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership over the CPC Central Committee and the Red Army. 

It was the first time that the CPC independently applied the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism to resolve issues concerning its own paths and policies. The meeting enabled the Red Army and the Party Central Committee to survive an extremely perilous situation.

The meeting marked the start of a new phase where the Party independently tackled practical problems in China's revolution. This independence is reflected in three aspects. 

Politically, the Party abandoned copying off-the-shelf revolutionary plans and assessed the situation against domestic realities, namely crisis of the nation, conflicts between classes, warlord fragmentation and land-related issues. Subsequent landmark decisions, including ending the civil war for joint resistance against Japanese aggression and forming the anti-Japanese national united front, were self-determined based on China's conditions.

On ideology, the CPC ceased to regard the Soviet experience as the only benchmark and strove to adapt the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism to China's concrete context, understanding that Marxism is not rigid dogma but a living theory grounded in investigation and seeking truth from facts.

On organization, democratic centralism was established and a robust leadership core formed. The Party learned to safeguard the core status of the CPC central leadership in the course of struggles, boldly correct errors and conduct self-reform through self-reflection.

Lessons from the Long March profoundly shaped the revolution that followed. It rescued the Party and the Red Army, keeping the revolutionary spark; It blazed the trail of "encircling cities from the countryside and seizing power through armed struggle," which differed from the Soviet model of urban uprisings; It tempered the guiding principles of seeking truth from facts, the mass line, as well as independence and self-reliance. 

The victories of Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation, socialist transformation after the founding of the People's Republic of China, reform and opening-up, and the pursuit of socialism with Chinese characteristics, all stem fundamentally from the political and ideological foundations established during the Long March.

GT: Chinese President Xi Jinping, also general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, called to carry forward the great spirit of the Long March and make steady progress on the new Long March at the grand assembly marking the 90th anniversary of the victory of the Long March of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. In Volume II of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, he pointed out "the Long March goes on."  This year marks the 90th anniversary of the victory of the Long March. How do you view the role of the great Long March spirit forged 90 years ago in advancing Chinese modernization and the great cause of national rejuvenation? Could you illustrate your point with examples linking history to the present?

Yang: The Long March is far more than a historical event from over 90 years ago. The spirit forged through it continues to fuel the cause of Chinese modernization and national rejuvenation.

The resolve forged on the Long March to surmount hardships empowers us to tackle the toughest challenges on our path of development. Poverty alleviation serves as the most telling example. In peacetime, millions of Party members and officials were dispatched to remote impoverished regions. More than 100 outstanding officials including Huang Wenxiu laid down their lives on the front lines of poverty relief. They were treading the Long March of the new era, acting as "Red Army soldiers" of our time. Instead of fending off enemy pursuit or braving brutal natural conditions such as snow capped mountains and marshlands, they fought poverty, a scourge that has plagued humanity for millennia. Areas along the Yudu River and the grasslands in western Sichuan traversed by the Red Army have now blossomed into beautiful, prosperous and eco friendly villages. This stands as vivid proof that the great Long March spirit can be translated into a better life.

The methodology of independence and seeking truth from facts developed during the Long March has shaped the path of Chinese modernization. Chinese modernization itself represents a reflection on Western modernization models. Rooted in national conditions while drawing on universal global experience in modernization, we have blazed our own trail for industrialization, urbanization and rural revitalization. Take rural revitalization for instance: development does not require simply turning villages into cities. Rural areas can thrive while retaining their unique features. This mindset of following our own path originates from the spiritual legacy handed down by the Long March and the Zunyi Conference.

At its core, the great Long March spirit emphasizes unity between the military and civilians and serving the people above all else — a thread that runs straight through today's people centered development philosophy. The Red Army once cut half a quilt to leave for local villagers. Today, initiatives such as afforestation at Saihanba and the development of beautiful countryside prioritize the long term wellbeing of future generations, even accepting short term sacrifices. Such undertakings would hardly be sustainable without a long term stance anchored in the people.

More than 90 years on, the lessons of the Long March remain crystal clear: we must stay firmly oriented. No matter how dire their circumstances, the Red Army kept its sights fixed on a clear goal: marching north toward the front lines of resistance against Japanese aggression and fighting for the interests of the people. The world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century, with crises and challenges emerging one after another. We too must hold fast to our direction: unswervingly pursue the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, uphold the people centered development philosophy, steadily advance common prosperity, and never copy Western models in our modernization drive.

We must dare to tackle tough tasks — and know how to tackle them well. The Loushan Passes and Lazikou Passes of our new era manifest in practical challenges: achieving self reliance and strength in science and technology, breaking bottlenecks in key core technologies, delivering on dual carbon goals, and addressing agriculture, rural areas and farmers. This calls for both courage and wisdom.

We also need composure and self confidence. When the Long March began, no one knew the journey would stretch for 25,000 li (12,500 kilometers). Even shortly before the joining of forces, no one could tell exactly where the endpoint lay or how long the march would take. Today, we face a barrage of Western narratives — the middle income trap, the Thucydides trap, zero sum games and more — which seek to sow confusion. The Long March does not breed blind confidence. It gives us a benchmark: grounded in objective facts, upholding truth, and standing with the people to meet their needs, we can forge a way forward amid adversity.

GT: A growing number of people across the international community regard the Red Army's Long March as one of the most consequential events of the 20th century shaping the future of the world — an epic of humanity forged with ideals and dedication, willpower and courage. Why has this expedition in China nearly a century ago continued to draw research interest from foreign scholars and even inspired them to retrace the Long March route? What insights can the great Long March spirit offer as we navigate a turbulent, uncertain world today?

Yang: Many foreign scholars and ordinary people are drawn to the Long March, captivated by its revolutionary idealism and heroism. Yet the allure of the Long March extends far beyond these qualities.
As early as 1936, Edgar Snow broke through blockades to reach northern Shaanxi. Seeing the Red Army firsthand, he realized its members were by no means the "bandits" maligned by outside propaganda, but revolutionaries driven by conviction and bound by discipline. His work Red Star Over China took the world by storm, sparking an overseas wave of research on the Long March and journeys retracing its historic route.

Many notable figures followed in his footsteps. In 1984, 76 year old American journalist and author Harrison Salisbury travelled to China with a pacemaker. Over 74 days, he traced the route of the Central Red Army on site and wrote The Long March: The Untold Story. Published in the US, the book created a huge stir. Australian professor Colin Mackerras retraced the Long March twice, conducting comparative research across a 30 year interval. This year, British scholar David Ferguson walked from Jiangxi to Yan'an using a walking stick.

While Western history features large scale expeditions such as the Crusades, few have inspired so many foreigners to deliberately retrace troop march routes for research purposes. For foreigners retracing the Long March, the answers they seek are not primarily ideological. More often, they are answers about humanity itself: ideals and conviction, unity between military and civilians, readiness for sacrifice, and robust organizational discipline. These virtues deserve admiration across all civilizations. Subjected to repeated trials under extreme conditions during the Long March, such virtues instill faith in human potential — a faith needed by every nation amid today's tangled complex challenges.

For a world beset by turbulence and uncertainty, the Long March also offers profound lessons. Historical facts attest that a group armed with firm convictions and tight organizational discipline can survive tenaciously and forge its own path, even against far stronger adversaries and the grueling tests of harsh natural environments. This carries valuable reference significance for developing countries. It prompts reflection on how the weaker parties can secure their own strategic initiative within an unequal globalized order.