All members of the Five Eyes will keep coordinating with one another in the future. But in cases of specific issues, they will hold their own positions.
From the perspective of a person living in Fiji, China's help and support is everywhere. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19epidemic, China has done its best to help the South Pacific island countries.
Some surveys carried out in late 2020 showed different public opinions among Chinese and Japanese people toward each other. How do Chinese and Japanese view each other? Why was there such a big difference between the two people's perception?
It is foreseeable that China-India relations will stay at a comparatively low level for a long period of time into the year 2021. India's moves have harmed the Indo-Pacific region overall and particularly with regional post-pandemic era recovery.
As to whether Japan will formally join the Five Eyes alliance, I think Japan is strong in will but weak in capability.
Under the circumstances that regional cooperation in South Asia is facing difficulties, BRI and RCEP provide such a great chance to accommodate regional cooperation in both South Asia and Southeast Asia.
We can see that India will not give up its hope of counterbalancing China by playing the South China Sea card. Nonetheless, New Delhi has little discourse power on this issue. And its maneuvers are unlikely to make any waves.
Japan cannot develop comprehensive combat capabilities without the assistance of the US. Therefore, in the very long term, Tokyo will need to keep Washington close as a military ally and partner.
With the current global recession, where is Australia going to find such a big buyer? The US, Europe, India or Russia? Who can replace China when it comes to education, lobster, red wine, coal and other export sectors? Verrender also knows that it will take years or even decades for Australian exporters to secure new markets. Can the Australian economy wait for years or decades?
India's mentality toward multilateral mechanisms has been changing. The trend is particularly obvious this year.
Australia's China policy is actually following in the footsteps of the US, but Canberra refuses to admit to it. In a self-deceiving way, the Morrison administration has always emphasized that, “we will always be Australia.”
If Australia goes further in the South China Sea or with other military and security matters, it will be more difficult for Canberra to stop downward spiral of bilateral relations with Beijing.
To avoid a possible weakening of Australia-US alliance, Canberra is eager to express its strategic loyalty, value and will to Washington by checking and balancing China at every turn –even to its own economic detriment.
China and Singpore are capable of turning crises into opportunities amid profound global changes. Working together, the two countries can take their relations forward for the next 30 years and beyond.
The attempts by Australia and India to reach a trade deal is only of “symbolic” significance, with limited pragmatic effects. Even if the two countries eventually sign a free trade deal, it will be still very difficult for Australia to make up its losses in the China market.
As for China, despite the current China-US confrontation, Pakistan's cooperation with the US will not have much difference on its special relationship with China. China is particularly important to Pakistan's development strategy. Everyone knows that Pakistan will continue to comprehensively strengthen cooperation with China. It is even possible for Beijing, Islamabad and Washington to have constructive dialogues and cooperative measures to confront terrorism in the future.
In an objective, fair and neutral third-party perspective that employs rigorous juristic analysis, the Critique presents a comprehensive and systematic refutation of many fallacies and flaws in the award made by the Arbitral Tribunal in the Matter of the South China Sea Arbitration (hereinafter referred to as the Tribunal) in terms of legal interpretation and application, evidence admissibility and fact-finding.
It is hoped that the Australia's investigations of war crimes will be a step forward for justice and that the war criminals will be prosecuted accordingly. The US and Britain also should probe war crimes by their soldiers in Afghanistan, and bring those criminals to justice.
India has always had a victimized mind-set, worrying that its interests will be hurt by China.
Sharp criticism against China has become a sign of political correctness in the political and media outlet circles in Australia. Yet these disparaging and empty words are both incorrect and lack substantial evidence.
Friendship between China and Australia is still in the common interests of the two countries. If the Morrison government can truly take a long-term view, seek common ground while reserving differences, reduce speculation and arrogance, and be more sincere and peaceful in its contacts with China, it may find that it is not so difficult to reset China-Australia relations.
Countries who are not tied to the US chariot, such as most developing countries in the world, have no anxieties of a “vise” when dealing with China. In fact, not taking sides between China and the US gives them more freedom of choice.
Taking sides with the US over China has cost Australia valuable diplomatic flexibility. Australia has been smashed between two rocks instead of milking both sides.
India will eventually find that there is no room for its mentality of striving for sphere of influence to survive. Such logic will not be acceptable to any other country in this era.
The “Asian Era” has started and will for sure have its ultimate arrival in the annals of history.
We are thus witnessing the return, in full regalia, of the Asia Pacific to the center of world affairs. If China were to join the TPP11, and we could look at the possibility of a merger between the RCEP and the TPP11, that would be a real game-changer. It would certainly move us further along to what Kishore Mahbubani has referred to as the Asian Century.
America may find it more and more difficult to take charge of Asia. Looking ahead, Asia is more likely to enter a multi-polar era rather than a bipolar system of confrontation between China and the US — let alone a unipolar system in which China replaces America.
Ongoing strife in America and new trade deals in Asia mean Wang's trip to Japan is of great importance and is necessary.
Under Biden, we may see a more active US at multilateral diplomatic activities held by ASEAN. But it will not be easy for Biden to completely eliminate Trump's negative “legacy.”
The US government under President Donald Trump's "America First" policy, has shirked its responsibility to provide international public goods, and has even failed to fulfill its obligations to allies. This kind of pure "realpolitik" has brought it widespread criticism from the international community, and damaged its soft power and global influence.
Since the end of World War II, the US has influenced Asia. But more recently, Washington has been absent from important Asia-Pacific regional economic deals, such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and the just sealed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). US' absence clearly illustrates that Asia is developing toward multi-polarity.
The Modi government needs to listen more to these rational and objective voices and do more to restore the Chinese investors' confidence. It is still not too late to remedy this situation.
By throwing itself into the role of US' deputy sheriff, Australia has been pointlessly sacrificing its own national interests with no tangible gains in return.
Facing quasi-alliance between Japan and Australia, China should enhance its ability of counterattacking and stay alert for the possible threat that the quasi-alliance might bring.
As a country that lives off trade, Japan sometimes fails to guard its economic interests from irrelevant considerations. But the RCEP is just a trade arrangement.
As a rising power, India should think about its role and the long-term development in Asia and beyond. This should be the attitude for India to develop its economy and diplomacy in a steadfast manner.
The improvement in China-Japan ties does not come easily, and needs to be cherished more. It is hoped that the two countries can meet each other halfway and properly handle their divergences so as to open up new vistas of their bilateral relationship.
Many Myanmar people's favorable impression toward the West began to decline.
After Suga took office, Japan-Australia security cooperation has continued to move forward. Many analysts think the upcoming summit between Suga and Morrison will likely see a stronger consensus between the two for further security cooperation. However, such cooperation is more of political significance.
Biden coming into power no doubt offers China an opportunity to consider adjusting its diplomatic strategy.
It is within the realm of possibility to forecast that US-India relations may suffer severe strains in the future based on past tensions between the two over the past 20 years. Even with recent military cooperation, there are no guarantees of long term resolve.
As this trend of seeking increased influence in the Asia Pacific will not change, President-elect Joe Biden is likely to continue it by selling old wine in new bottles – carrying on some of the current administration's policies to neutralize China.
India regards itself as the dominant power in South Asia. It hopes to hold absolute influence over the region and does not wish to see other major powers step into its "turf."
The SCO is essentially a regional organization that promotes a community of shared future within the region to further promote peace in the world. It strives to resolve conflicts through dialogue and achieve common development through cooperation.
Washington has been hoping to drive a wedge between Beijing and New Delhi. India has been reluctant to be pushed into the frontline by the US to counter China.
The Trump administration's vigorous pursuit of geopolitical game and Cold War mentality go against the trend of the current times. In an era of global peaceful development, building a community with a shared future for mankind should be the major focus, which is also China's advocacy in its relations with its neighbors and the whole world.
If one tries to rely on force alone as the top priority in policymaking, it will be appropriate to remember that the law of using an instrument says that when the only tool you have in your toolbox is a hammer, all other problems start looking like nails.
It's expected that the Suga administration will continue to promote the stable development of China-Japan relations and cooperation between the two countries for the foreseeable future.
It remains to be seen how Suga can balance its relations with the two great powers.
For Tokyo, the best choice is to keep the status quo and not dance to Washington's interpretation about cross-Straits matters. Besides, given the approaching of US presidential election next week, there are great uncertainties in US politics. Tokyo should think carefully before making any decisions. It shouldn't rashly respond to any suggestions coming from Washington.
From a practical perspective, India's national strength is enhancing and its international status improving - just as the US is relatively declining. Under such circumstances, a rising India will certainly take advantage of the increasing strategic needs of the US for India. But it will not rely entirely on this decelerating ship.
It is true that Japan hopes Vietnam and Indonesia can work as anti-China forces. Yet it seems to underestimate the significance of Suga's visit if it is only understood as an "anti-China diplomacy." Suga's visit to the two Southeast Asian countries serves Japan's internal affairs, attempting to deal with its difficult economic slowdown, as well as to promote its Indo-Pacific vision.
The Indian government has to weigh the losses. India has to bear the consequences for resorting to the "Taiwan card." It is hoped that India can exercise restraint and use wisdom in handling its relations with China.
South Asian countries such as Sri Lanka and the Maldives will not fall into the US' trap of being drawn into its camp to confront China. They are well aware that their long-term interests and development needs stand a better chance with China as a partner - and not as an enemy.
India's aggression on border confrontations with China had led itself into a dilemma. The capacity gap between the two countries leaves India with little chance to win.
It is unclear whether the Thai young generation, who are currently being used as cannon fodder by the US and its proxies, actually understand that a color revolution is not as beautiful nor peaceful as portrayed.
Indonesia has made its attitude very clear. If Washington keeps trying to form a small group of countries targeting Beijing in the South China Sea, it may become increasingly isolated.
The QUAD's desire to create a “democratic security diamond” against China merits vigilance. The four countries have already formed an initial military alliance. They might be able to achieve further unity on certain issues based on common interests. For example, India is likely to ink the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation with the US during the 2+2 foreign and defense ministerial meeting next week.
As India and the US expand the scope of their military cooperation, the intensity for dominance in the Indian Ocean will only grow. Be it under QUAD or other frameworks of multilateral cooperation, India will always hope to play a dominant role in the Indian Ocean. India is not boosting its military abilities to become a willing subject to the US in an US-led military alliance.
We can see a clear strategic intention of the West, especially the US, to create divisions among Asian countries. It thereby seeks to tear Asia apart through strategic interventions. For example, Washington has been attempting to jeopardize regional cooperation in East Asia and the framework of ASEAN Plus Three.
Paying visits to the Yasukuni Shrine is more of a symbol to show Japanese politicians' right-wing tendencies. These moves are a tool to boost domestic morale, unite the Japanese people and increase these politicians' support rate.
US Deputy Secretary of State Stephen Biegun's visit to South Asia is an attempt to force regional countries to take sides by disrupting the influence of the BRI in the region. Its prospect is dim and South Asian countries will not agree.
We expect that the Ardern administration will continue to persist with the judiciousness to steer its mutually beneficial collaboration and partnership with China to a new height.
The US is exerting pressure on South Korea from all sides. It is not in South Korea's national interests to tie itself entirely to the US chariot.
Japan's decision to dump 1 million tons of nuclear waste water into the ocean will damage people's health and harm its global image – the latter is detrimental to investment.
The general election is a test of Myanmar's political transition and economic and social development. It is also a crucial litmus test of the NLD's ability to rule properly.
India playing the Taiwan card is impairing its own interests. Some Indian strategists, think tanks and media outlets are forcing China to take countermeasures. The Indian government has so far remained silent on the fire-playing by some Indians. If India's nationalists move forward by fanning the Taiwan flame, what awaits them will be insurgence and chaos in its northeast.
Canberra is constantly suspicious of imaginary threats, ceaselessly pointing an accusatory finger at China and the Chinese community in Australia. This will ultimately “boomerang” to shoot Australia in its own foot.
If Australia's true aim is to “counter” China by increasing input into Southeast Asia, it has overestimated itself. Countries in the region know quite well which partner offers more in terms of development. Australia's influence in the region will fail to improve to anything more than it is now.
After the election, the trajectory of China-Myanmar relations will not change much no matter what the election result is. China will always be a trusted partner of Myanmar and is set to play a constructive role in Myanmar's development and peace process.
Regardless of economics, trade or aid, competition among different powers is unavoidable. Positive competition will promote better cooperation modes and amplify the effect of aid. Vicious competition hinders regional development and prosperity. Southeast Asia should not become a place for games between powers which would make them into sacrificial pawns.
In the context of the current epidemic and economic conditions, Japan cannot easily replace China's position in ASEAN. Nor can it achieve expected results only through Suga's visit to Southeast Asia.
Japan's new generation of politicians is becoming more and more influential. This not only is related to the future development of Japan's internal affairs, but also may influence new factors for how Japan relates with its neighboring countries. After World War II, generations of Japanese political figures have had differing relations with China with many twists and turns. The influence of the new generation of politicians cannot be underestimated in terms of where they will take Japan's future policies – particularly on China.
Diplomats are said to be positive peace makers rather than malevolent warmongers. Instead of safeguarding Australia's own national interest, Aussie Ambassador to US Arthur Sinodinos seems to be more dedicated to serving US agenda against China.
India has absolutely no sincerity in resolving border disputes. Its ultimate goal is to make China handle the issues according to India's will.
Would the Philippines really take sides between China and US? Highly unlikely. US incites the Philippines to be more high-profile over disputes with China, yet US-Philippines alliance is stuck in a predicament without any hope of improving.
India, the most powerful country at the Indian Ocean, regards China's existence as a threat. Interestingly by contrast, most countries which are weaker than India in the region regard China as a constructive force and actively expand cooperation with it.
Abe left Suga two major problems: national security policies and the constitutional amendment.
India has become a destroyer of regional peace and stability, which has played a negative role in its own advancement, and that of other countries. If India intends to achieve its dream of becoming a great power, it is vital to improve ties with neighboring countries.
With unprecedented changes in the world and the rampant pandemic, there exist increasing uncertainties and instabilities as well as a lack of public security products in Asia. It is urgent for everyone to work together to adhere to bottom-line thinking and tackle shared threats and challenges.
I look forward to a more positive and constructive mind-set in Canberra, which is the key to bringing the bilateral relations out of its nadir to the right track.
If India acts most proactively in confronting China, it may be beaten up. India should be wiser and stop helping the US provoke China. After all, China may not fight with the US, but with India - a cannon fodder at the forefront.
The “white terror” created by Australia cannot suppress China's noble and righteous spirit. Nor can its chilling effect block voices of justice from the insightful people of the international community.
China never opted to a confrontation with the US and its allies. But we resolutely refuse to capitulate in face of provocations and coercion.
Despite US support to India, the PLA is capable of defeating Indian army.
Roaring populist movements in the US and India demonstrates the dilemmas facing globalization and international cooperation. It is an expedient move for the two largest democracies to take more advantage of each other. Allowing populism to prevail at home while engaging in beggar-thy-neighbor policies is clearly not in tune with the style of great powers.
While many Asia countries lack the ability to single-handedly solve regional security affairs, this does not mean Asian countries cannot construct their own security systems. They can make their own mechanisms that aim to promote dialogue and cooperation. They can cope with their own emergencies and conflicts.
While the strategic construct of the Indo-Pacific region is showing an adverse trend toward China, people in the region should take this with a pinch of salt. China has enough capability to safeguard its own military and national security.
Geopolitical confrontation should not become the theme of Asia-Pacific. Before joining the US' anti-China coalition, such as the “Quad,” relevant countries should seriously consider: Is it a blessing or a curse for regional peace and stability?
India's highly centralized foreign policy-making process, combined with its highly decentralized domestic one, will always tend to lead India to make elaborate external strategic ideas. But with its hands tied by domestic situations, India has always encountered difficulties in implementing its wishful policies.
The border issue should be resolved in a rational, calm and pragmatic manner based on mutual respect. India's any attempt, such as deploying one of its warships to the South China Sea, to pressure China will be in vain.
China is not worried about whether Abe's successor will change China-Japan relations. As long as China continues developing, no matter who succeeds Abe, the general trend of a gradual warming of China-Japan relations should remain stable.
Whoever becomes Japan's next prime minister is unlikely to pursue confrontational policies toward China. Japanese politicians will inherit and further develop China-Japan relations that are in line with their national interests.
The bilateral relations should not continue its present freefall. There should be real independence and more positivity in Canberra's international outlook and diplomatic policymaking.
India should focus more on battling the epidemic, ensure economic growth, and stave off unemployment. India may take a tough stance to divert attention of its people. In this context of crises, it is impossible for India to engage in a military conflict or risk a war.
At present, India has gone too far on its anti-China road, and is having serious trouble finding its way out. However, Beijing has been refraining from taking countermeasures so far. This shows the rationality of China as a great power, and reserves room for improving China-Indian relations.
A Chinese official expressed willingness to resume the COC negotiations and Wang said China stands ready to work with ASEAN countries to conclude the COC at an early date. This will promote regional peace and stability.
China will not abandon the CPEC just because of India's opposition. On the contrary, China will keep promoting it.
If India tries to rope in Japan to suppress China, it is doomed to fail. Why? Because Tokyo needs to develop stable economic relations with Beijing in the post-pandemic era.