Illustration: Chen Xia/GT

On December 18, two diplomatic developments conveyed the same underlying message: At key moments, regional actors are increasingly looking to China for what might be called a "stability dividend." 

In one development, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, held separate phone calls with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn and Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow. Both Cambodia and Thailand said they welcomed the Chinese special envoy's shuttle mediation and expected China to play a more important role in de-escalating tensions and restoring peace.

In the other development, South Korea's Yonhap News Agency, reported that South Korea and China held a strategic dialogue between their foreign ministries on the same day. The South Korean side explained its policy direction on the Korean Peninsula and called on Beijing to help foster conditions to resume dialogue with North Korea.

Taken together, these stories reflect a practical expectation that is becoming more common across the region: When long-accumulated disputes - many rooted in colonial-era arrangements and Cold War divisions - move toward a sensitive juncture, more parties are asking a similar question: What can China do, and can it do better?

This expectation is neither accidental nor a fleeting product of emotion; it is a rational response to shifting constraints. As regional dynamics grow more complex, external involvement deepens and traditional approaches yield diminishing returns, neighboring countries naturally seek new anchors of stability and more workable mechanisms. China, by virtue of its growing weight, is increasingly brought to the center of that search.

With rising comprehensive national strength and greater capacity to supply public goods, China has become, in practical terms, a more available provider of regional connectivity and development support. 

More countries recognize that whether the issues are connectivity and cross-border infrastructure, energy and sea-lane security, border governance, disaster relief, or public health cooperation, China's participation is increasingly indispensable.

Furthermore, for many longstanding disputes to enter a track that is manageable, de-escalatory and negotiable, China's influence is often an unavoidable variable - whether as a party directly involved, as a key economic partner or as a significant regional country able to offer mediation, communication channels, and platform resources. 

For China, this is both an opportunity and a challenge. The opportunity lies in translating a "constructive role" into outcomes that can be tested and evaluated: pulling high-risk issues back from emotional confrontation to technical management; separating "dispute" from "cooperation" where possible, and thickening shared regional interests so that escalation becomes costlier.

The challenge is that expectations raise the bar. How will China offer platforms that all parties are willing to engage with amid complex disagreements? In what way will it provide effective communication and de-escalation tools at a moment of crisis? Can expanding cooperation help ensure that regional platforms can successfully mitigate the geopolitical rivalry of external forces?

From this perspective, the proposition that Asian problems to "be solved by Asians themselves" is not a slogan or posture. It is a sober reading of experience. 

During the colonial era and the Cold War, external powers often prioritized their own interests, carving boundaries, dividing camps and waging proxy competition - one consequence of which is that many contradictions became structurally entrenched. If today's region still relies primarily on external actors and choosing sides, specific disputes can easily be pushed back into a sphere-of-influence narrative, turning governance issues among stakeholders into a frontline of major-power competition.

A more realistic path is to return regional problems to regional governance frameworks: prioritize controllable risk, uninterrupted dialogue and sustained cooperation - rather than seeking one-off "final settlements." 

The "Asian way" prioritizes gradual, practical steps that respect sovereignty. It aims to reduce tension and miscalculation through communication and cooperation. China's diplomacy focuses on concrete actions for a shared future: enhancing cooperation, managing security, minimizing disputes and de-escalating crises. A key challenge is that this is a long-term endeavor that requires sustained resilience and patience, laying the foundation for building a global community of a shared future.