Views of Beijing (left) and London Photos: VCG

Editor's Note:

At the invitation of Premier of the State Council Li Qiang, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is paying an official visit to China from Wednesday to Saturday. This marks the first visit to Beijing by a British prime minister since 2018. What can be expected from this trip? How significant is the visit for China-UK relations? In an interview with Global Times (GT) reporter Liu Xuandi, Mark Logan (Logan), former member of the House of Commons of the UK, shared his views.

GT: How would you characterize or define Starmer's China trip? How significant is it for bilateral relations?

Logan: I see this visit as a historic opportunity for both the UK and China. China is the world's second-largest economy, while the UK remains one of the most influential countries globally; both are permanent members of the UN Security Council, and their relationship rests on deep institutional and historical foundations. This visit presents a moment for the UK to recognize China's achievements, move beyond defining China as a threat and pursue a relationship based on cooperation and healthy competition. 

The sheer size of the ministerial delegation, including several senior figures from the Labour government, underscores that this is not a one-off gesture, but a sustained diplomatic effort over the past year and a half to stabilize and improve the relationship. 

GT: Starmer said ahead of his visit that "sticking your head in the sand and ignoring China... wouldn't be sensible." What factors do you think have driven this recalibration in the UK government's perception of China?

Logan: The UK cannot escape the deep interdependencies that shape today's world - especially after Brexit and as the "special relationship" with the US comes under strain. China's emergence as a central global actor is an undeniable reality. The UK must make a serious effort to understand the full picture of China, rather than focusing narrowly on negative narratives. This is something I have argued for years. China offers solutions to many of the challenges the UK faces - from public health and climate change to technology and economic stability - making a strong China-UK relationship not optional, but essential.

GT: The prime minister is leading a large ministerial and business delegation to China. It's reported that the two countries will aim to revive a "golden era" business dialogue. Are you optimistic about this revival? What can we expect from this visit in terms of China-UK economic cooperation? 

Logan: The idea of reviving a "golden era" is interesting. I remember the term being widely used when I worked at the British Embassy in China a decade ago. It represents that both sides are finding new ways to develop the relationship that reflects today's realities. 

It is certainly a very positive signal to see so many major UK companies involved, including AstraZeneca, leading banks such as HSBC, and even representatives from the UK's major airports. This highlights the importance of people-to-people exchanges, tourism and commercial cooperation. Businesses are the backbone of the bilateral relationship, and that's why this visit places strong emphasis on business ties.

Both sides can be more forward-looking. The UK tends to focus too heavily on traditional, established companies, whereas we should think more creatively about cooperation in the industries of the future. From AI and life sciences to robotics and green technologies, China is moving remarkably fast. The real opportunity lies in learning from each other and building partnerships in these emerging sectors, rather than just relying on legacy forms of cooperation.

GT: Some voices within the UK hype that the visit signals London's "weakness" toward Beijing. How would you respond to this view？

Logan: The UK signaled weakness by avoiding high-level engagement with China for eight years. Not having a prime ministerial visit was not a show of strength - it was a failure of diplomacy. This visit, by contrast, shows that the UK is willing and able to step up, practice diplomacy and engage in difficult but necessary conversations.

China is an unavoidable reality. As the world's second-largest economy, China represents 1.4 billion people and wields enormous global influence. It is a weakness to believe that one can simply ignore China. What kind of country do we want to become - one that shuts itself off, with no influence and no real say in the world? That mind-set risks turning Britain inward: reactive, resentful and shouting from the sidelines rather than shaping outcomes.

Those making such criticisms are not offering serious alternatives; they are simply playing politics, and doing so rather hypocritically. Constantly hunting for negative stories about China may be politically convenient, but it does nothing to address the UK's cost-of-living pressures, inflation, investment needs or its standing in the world. They are merely telling lies to win support.

GT: You wrote in an article that there has been no real consistency in the UK's China policy. Why has this pattern of "hot and cold" persisted, and what would be required for the UK government to develop a more coherent China policy?

Logan: China has been quite consistent in its approach to the UK. It does not see the UK as an enemy and does not want to make it one. There remains a considerable degree of goodwill toward the UK among the Chinese people. 

The difficulty has largely come from within UK. Over the past decade or more, Britain has been grappling with a deep identity crisis - shaped by Brexit, economic anxiety, as well as intense debates over immigration, race and national purpose. This uncertainty has fueled a growing sense of anger and loss over Britain's perceived decline in global influence. The UK is still struggling to redefine itself and rethink its place in the world, while internal divisions create real domestic pressures for prime ministers and foreign secretaries in formulating foreign policy.

When I compare the two societies, one contrast stands out: China has not only economic capacity, but also a curiosity and willingness to engage with the world. There is a forward-looking outlook, an emphasis on progress and problem-solving and a tendency to focus on what can be done rather than what cannot. This mind-set is worth paying attention to. In contrast, Britain is uncertain about whether its role is worth the cost. It needs to find a new way forward - one that draws confidence from its history without becoming overly focused on it. A great past should be a foundation for the future, not a substitute for it. That is precisely why Starmer's visit to China matters: It prompts the UK to confront the question of who we are.

Domestic pressures have forced the UK into a difficult political balancing act. However, overall, I believe Starmer has managed China policy relatively well by pursuing greater consistency and a more measured tone. This increased predictability is likely to be welcomed by China, enabling both sides to plan more effectively across political, commercial and people-to-people engagement.

GT: In your view, to what extent do strained transatlantic relations influence the prime minister's decision to engage with China? 

Logan: I do not think the US is a decisive factor behind the prime minister's decision to engage with China. This visit has been under consideration and preparation for a long time and is rooted in the strategic realities the UK itself faces. It is not a short-term tactical rebalancing move driven by fluctuations in UK-US relations. If anything, the current US approach toward China makes engagement easier rather than harder: Washington itself is seeking a more pragmatic and stable relationship with Beijing. There is no reason the UK should not do the same.

GT: Recently, a number of European leaders have visited China. The UK prime minister's trip can be seen as part of this broader trend. How do you interpret this wave of engagement?

Logan: The visits by the Spanish king, the French president, Taoiseach of Ireland and the Finnish prime minister signal improving sentiment and a return to pragmatism. Within this trend, given Britain's global influence, economic weight and the depth of the bilateral relationship, Starmer's visit carries particular significance. Taken together, these visits suggest a growing recognition of China as a responsible actor willing to engage on the basis of mutual respect and practical cooperation.